Indigenous Veterans & Canada's Forgetful Psyche (A View from a Descendent):

The other day I was sitting down in my Mother’s living room when I noticed a familiar picture I saw while growing up – a photo of my mother when she first completed her military training and became a Military Police Officer (MP) in 1975. There was a difference this time, compared to previous glances at the photo, as she had added photos of my grandmother, grandfather, and great-grandfather to the bottom corners of it. In the black and white photos my grandmother and grandfather were both in military uniform. This brought me to thinking of veteran benefits, how Indigenous veterans were originally excluded for the same benefits as their veteran Canadian counterparts, and so on.  Then I thought of the lack of support, despite the current governments claims, for the veterans who have served Canada and there families. I then focused in on Indigenous veterans due to the current legislative attack by the Harper government on Indigenous peoples, and thus, Indigenous veterans.

Three ‘+’ Generations of the Cowie Family in Uniform:

 I had known that my great-grandfather (George Cowie Sr.), grandfather (George Cowie Jr.), an uncle, and my mother had all served in the military. My great-grandfather, whose name is proudly etched alongside the names of Manominiiking’s other citizens who had served in the Canadian military from the early 1900s and on, fought alongside Canadians and the British in World War II.  Although wounded in France and therefore discharged, he had continued wanting to serve Canada but was denied due to his previous injuries from WWII.

         My grandfather, although seeing no actual combat, served in the Army Reserves for Canada during a short period in the 1950s. I can only imagine what led him to decide to become involved in the Canadian military, one possibility may relate to the letters we found in the early 1990s that my great-grandfather had sent to my grandfather while he was on the front lines in France, discussing how he was the head of the family when great-grandfather was not around. Although I knew of past military service from my grandfather and great-grandfather, I had not realized that my grandmother had also served in the Air Force. Although at the time she served, in the mid-1950s, she was banished to the stereotypical positions for women, such as clerical, the fact that my grandmother served Canada’s military in the post-war period of the 1950s was astonishing to me.

            Now we forward to 1975, when my own mother set off on her journey in the Canadian military. My mom did her training at CFB Cornwallis in Nova Scotia and became an MP. As an MP, she was involved with security detail at the 1976 Summer Olympics in Montreal (Canada had beefed up its security due to the horrendous events that occurred four years earlier at the Munich Olympics). During her career in the Canadian Military’s Armed Forces Branch, she assisted Vietnamese refugees fleeing from Vietnam when the south had fallen to the communist north (1978) as well as a six-month peacekeeping stint between Egypt and Israel, in order to make sure the Camp David Accord was implemented (1986).  Lets not forget that in the case of disaster and/or war, she would have to be prepared to defend the state. My mom would receive ‘early’ retirement from the Canadian military in 1992, due to the budgetary cuts implemented by the Mulroney Government at the time. During her time in the military, she had brought my sister and then myself into the world. As a single-parent, she had to give up time with her young children to serve Canada in the role she had taken in the armed forces (missing birthdays, family events, etc - like many veterans have before her and since).

          

           The story of my family’s commitment to Canada has many components to it, from considering themselves as Canadians alongside their Anishinaabeg citizenship, to following a historic route of many Indigenous peoples who did so to honour their treaty relationship with the Crown as allies in a nation-to-nation relationship.

            Indigenous participation in the protection of British subjects, as well as Canadian citizens, is well documented from the beginning of the relationship and on. One of the most noticeable was the War of 1812, when the British Monarchy and colonial governments in ‘British North America’ called upon their Indigenous allies to help defend their interests. This was done with Indigenous peoples not being considered subservient wards of the British Crown or Canadian state, but as equal allies.

From WWI to the present more then 7,000 First Nations, Inuit, and Metis peoples had served alongside Canadians in the trenches, war efforts, and so on (this doesn’t even include those who have continued to serve outside of the Wars). Indigenous peoples not serving directly in the Military also made some of the highest contributions to the War effort. For instance, during WWII Indigenous peoples contributed over $23,000.00 to the war effort (between 1939-1945). Again, this also does not include the actual manual labour, human power, and volunteer work that Indigenous peoples probably contributed to during the various wars that Canada was involved in, not to mention peacekeeping roles post-1954.

Why Is This Important To Me?

Some of you are probably wondering why I bring all of this up? Since the Harper Government’s onslaught of paternalistic legislation, more so in November of 2012, Indigenous peoples across this shared territory expressed physically and verbally: enough . On numerous occasions Indigenous peoples have, despite the consistent attacks on Indigenous nations and the rights of their respective citizens, stood alongside Canada and Canadians to defend not only their lands but also to honour that nation-to-nation understanding that was outlined in the treaties. This became even more ingrained in my mind as the #IdleNoMore movement grew and spread across the lands and into other corners of the world.

            I can recall as I prepared to head into the Peterborough #IdleNoMore rally on December 19, 2012, talking with my Mom about this and asking her “How do you feel to have given so much to Canada and then have Canada turn around and attack your rights as an Anishinaabeg Woman?”  This of course was relating to the onslaught of legislation, such as the Omnibus Bill that sparked #IdleNoMore, Matrimonial Real Property, Financial Transparency Act, and so on (see http://canadianpoliticalopinions .blogspot.ca/2012/12/ canada-its-time-toidlenomore .html for additional information). My mom’s response was that it was hard. Additionally it was hard to believe that instead of things getting better for our peoples the attacks on our inherent rights and nationhood was even more prevalent since Stephen Harper had become Canada’s Prime Minister.

            Her comments have stuck with me since December and re-emerged with a very dominating effect when it became clear that the Canadian government had willingly allowed scientific testing and experiments on Indigenous youth (we still do not know how wide this issue is and for how long it went on). My decision to write this blog entry, and the words I needed, came about when I saw the pictures of three generations of my family in Canadian uniform.

            

           While some Canadians begin to awaken to Canada’s dark and ugly past, begin learning the truth and that we are all treaty people, some continue to stick their heads further into the sand. Some Canadians continue to believe the stereotypical view that Indigenous peoples get everything for free, are too lazy to do an honest days work, and simply must assimilate into the Canadian state. Some continue to think the only answer is not nation-to-nation relations and consultations but rather paternalistic policy, such as the Harper government. As #IdleNoMore continues and takes new shapes at this present time, and allies like Dr. Carolyn Bennett push for the Canadian population to #IdleKnowMore, I want to leave people with a final comment – one that was written on a bristol board at a London Ontario #IdleNoMore rally in December and has since been repeated on numerous occasions:

                   “1812: We Fought For Your Rights, Now Fight For Ours.”

Note: This post is dedicated to my Mother: Beverly Cowie, My Grandparents: George Cowie Jr. & Francis (Sproul) Cowie, my Great-Grandfather: George Cowie Sr, and all Veterans from Turtle Island.

The 1969 White Paper: Moving Forward Means Acknowledging the Mistake

I write today on a topic that I have learned about for the majority of my life and continuously hear about as not only a Liberal, but more specifically as an Anishinaabeg/Canadian Liberal. The topic I refer to is one that is a part of the Liberal Party of Canada’s dark past and one I have continuously brought up in Liberal circles:  the 1969 White Paper.

            For many of you, it is no doubt that I am passionate about my Anishinaabeg background, the respect deserved in the Canadian/Indigenous relations, as well as Canadian politics in general. I consider myself an individual who is using his talents to help in bridging the massive gulf that exists between Indigenous peoples and Canada. One such example I have continuously tried to educate people on and explain about is the impact the White Paper has had on the Liberal Party of Canada since 1969. Although the impact may seem like it is not that great, the reality is that if Indigenous peoples, especially after the ‘Idle No More’ awakenings of November and December 2012, opt to cast ballots to other parties – all because of the 1969 White Paper.

            Many of those entrenched in Western education and philosophy, such as notions of individuality and never looking backwards but only forward, have a hard time comprehending why this is so important for many Indigenous Liberals and Indigenous peoples in general. There are many reasons for why Indigenous peoples, specifically First Nations as it was them who would be impacted by the documents implementation. Prior to further elaborating on these many reasons, one must first understand what the White Paper was, came to symbolize and relates to the present day.

What is the White Paper?

            With the election of Pierre Trudeau and the Liberal Party to a majority government in 1968, the beginning of multiculturalism, integration, as well as the ‘Canadian identity’ was developing threefold in the Canadian context. Additionally, more people were noticing the issues many First Nations people were facing her were on the reserves. It was decided under the Trudeau government that there would be a cross Canada tour and consultation process with various First Nations in order to comprehend what the issues were that they faced and caused them to be in sub-standard conditions compared to that of Canadians.

            The consultations were quite amazing, in my point of view, as many First Nations peoples got to highlight what has been impacting them for years, decades and over a century. Many thought that this would be a turning point in the Canadian/Indigenous relationship – perhaps one that would lead us back to an understanding of mutual respect, friendship and recognition. However, that would not be the case in June of 1969 when the White Paper was introduced to the House of Commons.

            The White Paper, when introduced, was actually the opposite of what First Nations peoples told them during the consultations. The document introduced sought to abolish the Indian Act, as well as all treaties, treaty rights, Indigenous lands, and any recognition of the Indigenous nations. Originally, the policy was applauded in the House of Commons, with both the CPC and NDP speaking in favour of it (in fact the NDP had actually passed, as policy, what the White Paper espoused to do in 1963). First Nations peoples became angry and this may have been one of the final attacks that assisting with mobilization and the re-emergences of concepts of Indigeneity as well as items like Indigenous organizations, Cardinal’s Red Paper, etc. The NDP quickly did a 180 and reversed their support of the White Paper and within a year the Liberals would also distance themselves from it and consideration of implementing it. Unfortunately, instead of acknowledging the ignorance of the White Paper, the Liberals dropped it and moved on. Although it is today acknowledged that by not adopting it that it should be considered I sign of rejecting it by some party brass and past politicians, that is not acknowledged as the case by many Indigenous peoples. In fact, who knows how much it impacted support and willingness to become further entrenched in the Liberal party – I sure don’t.

Its Significance Today:

            Over the last ten years that I have been involved I, and fellow Indigenous Liberals that I have met and worked with, have continuously heard about it.Whether the First Nations peoples I talk to are politically involved in Canada, their own Indigenous nation, or not at all – many still know of the policy as one that was meant to effectively wash away our recognition and what remnants, at the time, still existed. Even though the Liberals did not implement it, even though the Liberals acknowledge internally it was a bad idea and a sign of the intellectual ignorance of the time, the need to say that and recognize it officially is still needed to show First Nations peoples that the party institution itself has evolved.

            People in the party may replace those who sat as Liberal MPs and Senators in the past; replace those elected to executive positions in the party, and may even replace past card carrying members – it does not necessarily change the connotation some have to the name of the political party itself. I take stride in the fact the Liberals have been able to came their party name they had since before federation, and not have to change it to mislead citizens on who they truly are or were. But, I do believe that if the party truly wants to work with the Indigenous nations and show the ability to work nation-to-nation and obtain a relationship based off of mutual respect and recognition, the party needs to acknowledge publicly that the White Paper was a mistake and that the Liberals, which truly have, learned from it.

            I, as well as others I know, can heavily attest to the change in Liberal mentality – most noticeable being Martin’s push for the Kelowna Accord, National Child care and Kyoto; Dion’s commitment to environmental stability and protection of the earth; Ignatieff’s commitment to revamp education funding and remove the caps currently imposed; and, most recently, Justin Trudeau’s commitment to a respectful relationship where he agrees we must work together. Even Trudeau himself said at the APC’s event in Whitehorse, July of 2013, that no party is clear of the historical pasts in Canada’s history. The key, in my view, is who has learned.

Concluding Points:

            Despite some of these commitments, some Indigenous peoples still look to the Liberals in a weary way, with even more not casting a ballot period (which relate to other reasons yet to be discussed in my blog). Although the majority of those who did vote, at least in 2006, voted Liberal, there is many more who we are potentially missing out on to show the party mentality has changed.

            Now, I know many are wondering what my point is – the policy was almost 45 years ago (a common argument used about almost all things related to Indigenous rights and recognition). The fact is, that Indigenous philosophies are apart of this. For almost all Indigenous nations I have had a chance to meet people from, an aspect of their cultural and logical philosophy is that one cannot move forward until the past has been properly dealt with. In other words, for many First Nations peoples the fact that the party itself has not yet acknowledged the pain such a policy assisted in causing means that moving forward and embracing the party may not be the route to go just yet, especially since there are couple past examples when the party had the chance to officially acknowledge the mistake.

            Additionally, we are in a period when the current government is using NDP and Liberal ideology of the 1960s and now trying to implement it (much of the legislation being imposed currently, including the Omnibus Bill of November/December, are rife with the smell of the 1969 White Paper. Why not then act and acknowledge it as wrong and highlight clearly how much damage such a policy can do, since the CPC are pursuing it 45 years after it was recognized as not acceptable. That’s where we all must come in and push for such acknowledgement – especially from fellow Liberals, Indigenous Liberals, and Indigenous peoples in general.

            The LPC Policy Biennial is just around the corner and the federal election of 2015 is only two years away – recognizing the White Paper as the mistake it was not only moves the party forward but also assists all Liberals, whether Indigenous or not, in doing their duties in outreach, policy, and votes.

The New Democratic Party's Hypocrisy on Indigenous Peoples: A Not So Shiny Past, or Present

In light of recent actions since January 2013, I thought it would be interesting to give some insight to the historic darkness that exists within the New Democratic Party (NDP) of Canada. I decided to do some research. This research is specifically on the NDP and the hypocrisy it espouses when it attacks another party for policies that are decades old. (Pay close attention to their actions over the last 10 years)

            I will state now as I always state: The Liberal Party of Canada has made many mistakes, even into the 1990s – I acknowledge this and I don’t hide it or defend it. However, I argue that no party, whether in forming government, official opposition, or as a third party, can be free from guilt of past policies and legislation that has been implemented.

Therefore, Did You Know that:

1920s & 1930s: 

Originally known as ‘Labour’ , they helped approve the ‘Old Age Pensions Act’ of 1927. The legislation that stated “an Indian defined by the Indian Act is ineligibly,” and was not considered of any importance to the Labour members when they voted in favour of the legislation.

·      During this time both the Labour and Progressive factions existed and did little in stopping, or showing opposition, to the removal of legal representation for Indigenous peoples, the policies of Duncan Campbell-Scott, or the consistent removal of Indigenous children from their homes, families, and communities.

1940s & 1950s:

·      The Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) government of Saskatchewan (and this is important as the NDP always tout their breakthrough in Saskatchewan through the CCF) implemented policies that pushed for the Indigenous peoples to be under provincial jurisdiction (which explicitly goes against the nation-to-nation relationship).

·      The CCF would enact policy that infringed on Indigenous jurisdiction and nation-to-nation relationships.  Pitsula stated in an article, an “examination of Saskatchewan policy reveals congruity with the basic principles of the 1969 White Paper.”

·      In 1946, at the Joint Committee of the Senate and House of Commons, hearings on revisions to the Indian Act, the CCF pushed for integration of Indigenous peoples. They believed that such integration was only achievable through education. These suggested changes by the CCF were introduced in 1950 and obtained the support of the CCF in passing these amendments. Interestingly, Indigenous peoples expressed heavy opposition to these changes but were ignored.

·      In 1951, CCF MP William Bryce expresses “I think education is the crux of the question. Indian children should be educated in the same manner as white children, so that they will look at things the same way that we do.”

·      CCF Leader MJ Coldwell: “I hope that in the administration of the new act, every attempt will be made to … enable [Indians] to make a contribution to the cultural life of our country and which will gradually bring about integration of the Indian Population.”

·      CCF MP Joe Noseworth stated: “If we are aiming to educate these people, to teach them to assume responsibility, we must give them some responsibility and not place these matters entirely in the hands of the minister or the governor in council.”

1960s, 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s:

·      New Democratic Party comes into existence via the CCF in 1961.

·      At the first NDP convention of 1961, there was no discussion, attention, or policy documents in relation to Indigenous peoples.

·      In 1963, at the NDP’s second annual convention, the NDP adopted a policy paper that advocated “the repeal[ing] of the Indian Act and the elimination of all government activities which place Indian people in separate groups; introducing self-government to reserves; the transfer of responsibility from Indian Affairs to provincial governments [and] launching an aggressive program for educational integration.” – In other words, “White Paper,” NDP Style.

·      Upon the introduction of the White Paper, 1969, the NDP originally endorsed and applauded it. NDP Indian Affairs Critic stated: “The Honourable Member and I had the opportunity in 1959, 1960, and 1961 of participating in the joint Senate and House of Commons Committee on Indian Affairs … the report of which committee contained the same ideas and concepts that the Minister has now outlined. Even though it has taken some period of time to get a Cabinet Minister to agree with those concepts, it is still welcomed.”

·      Although the NDP, and the Liberals, would rescind their support of the White Paper of 1969, NDP MP for Winnipeg North, David Orlikow stated: “I hope to see the day when the Indian Affairs branch as we have known it, and more sadly the Indians have known it, will disappear. But none of these things can take place unless and until the Indian people themselves want them to take place and are prepared to give their co-operation and support.”

·      During discussion on Constitutional Amendments and Indigenous Rights, the Provincial NDP of Saskatchewan stated that Indigenous peoples “were best left to the realm of politics and dealt with by people, as represented by their provincial and federal politicians.”

·      During the constitutional discussions in the early 1980s, Ed Broadbent, leader of the NDP at the time, admitted that a ‘split’ over the unilateral patriation of the Constitution had more to do with an increased dislike of Trudeau in the prairie provinces, where the NDP held a majority of their seats and thus feared losing them by supporting the unilateral patriation, rather than with the failure to define Indigenous rights and proper consultation with the Indigenous nations.

·      While Indigenous peoples protested the Canadian government’s actions, as well as the lack of support from the opposition parties, Roy Romonow, a future NDP Premier of Saskatchewan, reiterated, with agreement, a comment by Saskatchewan NDP Attorney General and Deputy Premier of Saskatchewan” “the Indians’ antagonistic conduct before the joint parliamentary committee was being re-enacted in a public battle in London.” (In other words, they disagreed with the Indigenous peoples petitioning the British government to hold Canada accountable to the treaty agreements.”

·      During the Meech Lake Accord discussion and approval process in the provinces, the BC, Alberta, Saskatchewan, and Manitoba NDP, as official opposition, voted in favour of the Accord – despite the heavy opposition of the Indigenous nations and peoples. It would be Elijah Harper who would defy the provincial NDP in Manitoba, and prevent it from final passing in the Manitoba Legislature.

1990s – Present:

·      In the 1993,1997, and 2000 elections little was presented by the NDP in their platform for Indigenous people. In fact, nothing existed in 1993.

·      In 2005, the NDP opted to put an increase in votes and obtaining an additional 8-10 seats over passing and implementing the Kelowna Accord (Which, for the first time in Canadian history, saw unified agreement between the Federal Government of Canada, the Provincial Governments, as well as Indigenous organizations and governments). The Accord was to help in bringing Indigenous peoples to the same level of funding for housing, infrastructure, health, and education – Indigenous people have fallen further behind since.

·      In 2005, the NDP opted to put an increase in votes and obtaining an additional 8-10 seats over the passing of a National Child Care Act and further implementation of the Kyoto Accord.

·      In inquiring to NPD MP Linda Duncan in 2012 about the NDP’s lack of assisting in the passing of the Kelowna Accord, her response was “that opinion is obsolete and not important.”

·      In 2009, the NDP opted to play politics rather then assist the Indigenous nations in protecting their jurisdiction rights – the LPC introduced a motion that would have effectively killed the MRP bill. The NDP, instead of supporting it opted to vote against it in order to prevent “the LPC from looking good.” (Muclair was an NDP MP by this time)

·      In regards to the NDP decision to protect the bill, NDP MP Denise Savoy expressed that the bill must be allowed to continued and be discussed in committee.

·      With the rise of the #IdleNoMore movement, the NDP were delayed in their involvement and support – in fact, NDP Leader Muclair would not show an endorsement of the movement, despite fellow NDP MPs Libby Davies and Paul Dewar doing so, until after The Liberal Caucus, via a letter from Dr. Carolyn Bennett, showed the LPC supporting the #IdleNoMore calls of action. Additionally, the Muclair endorsement came after further involvement/endorsements of LPC leadership candidates Justin Trudeau, Joyce Murray, Martha Hall-Findlay, etc.

·      Lastly, in January of 2013 Thomas Muclair, Leader of the NDP, endorsed Harper’s “Working Relationship” with the Indigenous peoples and has yet to retract such an endorsement, despite the consistent attack on the Indigenous nations and peoples since forming government in 2006

Sources:

Kieth Archer and Alan Whitehorn, Political Activists: The NDP in Convention (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1997)

Russell Barsh and James Youngblood Henderson, “Aboriginal Rights, Treaty Rights, and Human Rights: Indian Tribes and Constitutional Renewal,” Journal of Canadian Studies17.2 (1982)

Laurie Barron, Walking in Indian Moccasins: The Native Policies of Tommy Douglas and the CCF (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1997)

David C. Hawkes ed.,  Aboriginal Peoples and Government Responsibility: Exploring Federal and Provincial Roles (Ottawa: Carleton University Press, 1991)

House of Commons, Issue No. 40. Special Committee on Indian Self-Government, 20 October 1983

House of Commons, Minutes, 23 October 1980

Joseph Levitt, Fighting Back for Jobs and Justice: Ed Broadbent in Parliament (Ottawa: LLA Publishing, 1996) 30

Roy Romonow, “Aboriginal Rights in the Constitutional Process,” in The Quest for

Justice: Aboriginal Peoples and Aboriginal Rights,  eds. Menno Boldt and J. Anthony

Long (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985)

Special Joint Committee, op.cit., 5 January 1981

Frank Tester, Paule McNicoll, and Jessie Forsyth, “ With an Ear to the Ground: The CCF/NDP and Aboriginal Policy in Canada, 1926-1993, in Journal of Canadian Studies, 34.1 (1999)

Mary Ellen Turpel, “Aboriginal Peoples’ Struggle for Fundamental Political Change,” The Charloettetown Accord, the Referendum and the Future of Canada, eds. Kenneth McRoberts and Patrick Monahan (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1993)

House of Commons, Minutes, 4 June 1993

Frank Tester, Paule McNicoll, and Jessie Forsyth, “ With an Ear to the Ground: The CCF/NDP and Aboriginal Policy in Canada, 1926-1993, in Journal of Canadian Studies, 34.1 (1999)

http://www.elections.ca/content.aspx?section=res&dir=rep/off/dec3097&document=res_table11&lang=e

http://www.socialpolicy.ca/52100/m7/platformjobs.html

http://openparliament.ca/bills/37-2/C-7/?page=11

http://www.parl.gc.ca/HousePublications/Publication.aspx?Language=E&Mode=1&Parl=37&Ses=2&DocId=518409

http://www.mapleleafweb.com/old/election/federal/2004/platform/ndp.html

http://www.parl.gc.ca/HousePublications/Publication.aspx?Language=E&Mode=1&Parl=40&Ses=2&DocId=3895153#SOB-2768842

http://groups.yahoo.com/group/NatNews-north/message/15414

http://www.cbc.ca/canadavotes2006/leadersparties/pdf/ndp_platform-en-final-web.pdf

http://www.elections.ca/content.aspx?section=res&dir=rep/off/37g&document=table11&lang=e

http://www.elections.ca/scripts/resval/ovr_2004.asp?prov=&lang=e

http://www.elections.ca/scripts/resval/ovr_39ge.asp?prov=&lang=e

http://www.mapleleafweb.com/features/2008-election-campaign-political-party-platforms

http://xfer.ndp.ca/2011/2011-Platform/NDP-2011-Platform-En.pdf

J. Brennen, ed., Building the Co-operative Commonwealth (Regina: Canadian Plains Research Center, 1984)

The Federal Programme of the New Democratic Party, Adopted by its Founding Convention, Ottawa, 31 July – 4 August 1961.

The Federal Programme of the New Democratic Party, Adopted by its Founding Convention, Ottawa, 31 July – 4 August 1961, and by its Second Federal Convention, Regina, 6-9 August 1963

Gad Horowitz, Canadian Labour in Politics (Toronto: Univeristy of Toronto Press, 1968)

House of Commons, Minutes, 27 February 1951

House of Commons, Minutes, 2 April 1951

House of Commons, Minutes, 15 May 1951

House of Commons, Minutes, 6 March 1969

David C. Hawkes ed., Aboriginal Peoples and Government Responsibility: Exploring Federal and Provincial Roles (Ottawa: Carleton University Press, 1991)

D. Laycock, Populism and Democratic Thought in the Canadian Prairies 1910 – 1945(Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1990).

James M. Pitsula, “The Saskatchewan CCF Government and Treaty Indians, 1944-1964,”Canadian Historical Review LXXV. 1 (1994): 21-52)

Frank Tester, Paule McNicoll, and Jessie Forsyth, “ With an Ear to the Ground: The CCF/NDP and Aboriginal Policy in Canada, 1926-1993, in Journal of Canadian Studies, 34.1 (1999)

• Sally Weaver, Making Canadian Indian Policy: The Hidden Agenda 1968-1970 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1981)